图片展示
搜索

成锡忠在海南公共外交研究中心学术研讨会上的发言—印太航道安全治理与海南自贸港双向赋能:探索两洋联通的多边合作新路径

2026-07-01 15:10:41

浏览:



尊敬的各位领导、各位专家学者、海内外同仁:


大家上午好!


非常荣幸出席本次海南公共外交研究中心举办的国际学术研讨会,与中国、印度、斯里兰卡、马尔代夫、孟加拉国等印太沿岸国家的专家学者齐聚海口,共议印太航道安全治理,共商区域海洋多边合作发展大计。


印太海域连接太平洋与印度洋,是全球贸易、能源运输和产业链供应链的重要通道,承担全球半数以上海运流量,航道安全稳定直接关系沿岸各国战略利益、经济发展与民生福祉。当前全球地缘格局深度调整,传统博弈与非传统安全风险交织,海上治理的复杂性、不确定性持续攀升。印太航道安全是地区各国共同利益,绝非个别国家专属权益。面对各类复合型海上风险,仅凭单一国家力量难以应对,唯有地区国家携手参与、联合治理,才能守护航道长久安全。


中国始终坚持独立自主的和平外交政策,践行共商共建共享的全球治理理念,坚定走和平发展道路,严格恪守《联合国宪章》、《联合国海洋法公约》,尊重各国主权与合法海洋权益,维护海上航行自由与航道畅通,坚决反对海上霸权、阵营对抗与零和博弈,致力于构建开放包容、公平正义、合作共赢的区域海洋新秩序。结合区域发展趋势与海南自贸港建设实践,我从格局演变、安全挑战、枢纽价值、合作路径、治理思考五个方面分享一些观点。


一、印太航道安全格局与主要治理挑战


如今印太航道格局正经历深度重构,集中表现为地缘博弈加剧、安全风险多元、治理体系碎片化三大问题。


一是地缘博弈向海上蔓延,航道被刻意工具化。部分域外势力频频介入区域海洋事务,鼓吹阵营对立、制造区域分裂,将航道通行与海洋治理当作博弈筹码,扰乱国际航行规则,削弱地区国家自主治理能力,损害区域整体稳定与共同发展。


二是非传统安全风险趋于常态化、跨国化。相较于传统军事对峙,海盗袭扰、海上走私、非法捕捞、船舶污染、航行事故、海上救援不足等问题频发,这类风险不受国界限制,扩散速度快、传导性强,严重威胁航运、渔业、海洋生态与贸易往来,多边协同共治已是必然选择。


三是区域合作机制分散,整体治理效能不足。印太地区双边合作众多,但覆盖两洋全域、统筹安全与发展、吸纳所有沿岸国家的综合性多边机制欠缺。各国海上执法、风险预警、信息共享、应急救援体系衔接不畅,难以形成治理合力,无法有效化解复合型海上安全隐患。


二、海南自贸港的枢纽价值:联通两洋、共享红利


在印太格局变革的关键阶段,海南自贸港的战略枢纽作用日益凸显。它既是中国推进高水平制度型开放的重要平台,更是联通两洋、服务印太沿岸各国的普惠性枢纽。自贸港建设不是中国的单方机遇,而是区域各国深化经贸往来、发展蓝色经济、稳定航运通道、优化供应链布局的重大契机。


从区位来看,海南地处21 世纪海上丝绸之路核心节点,背靠中国广阔市场,辐射东盟、南亚及印度洋区域,是两洋航运天然交汇点。依托地理优势,海南可串联南海、孟加拉湾及印度洋沿岸航线,分流主干航道运输压力,打造多通道、高韧性的海上航运网络,全面提升区域航道安全保障水平。


从制度来看,作为中国特色自由贸易港,海南依托全岛封关、零关税、通关便利化、投资贸易自由化等政策优势,持续升级海口港、洋浦港等重要港口,完善国际航运、船舶维保、远洋补给、海事服务等全链条功能,加快建成区域性航运、物资补给与海上应急救援中心,为印太各国航运合作提供高效、低成本的专业服务。


从战略层面来看,海南自贸港秉持开放包容、非排他、不对抗的合作理念,区别于封闭对立的小圈子模式。以制度型开放对冲产业链风险,以稳定开放的平台化解分歧、凝聚共识,从而可以实现从地理节点向经贸、安全、综合战略枢纽的全面升级。


三、双向赋能:以自贸港平台推动安全共治与共同繁荣


安全是发展的前提,发展是安全的保障,航道安全与区域繁荣相辅相成。依托海南自贸港平台,可精准对接各国发展需求,实现海上安全治理与区域经贸发展双向赋能。


其一,搭建多边安全合作平台,破解治理碎片化难题。围绕海盗、海上救援、海洋防灾、污染治理、跨境犯罪等共性问题,发挥海南海洋科考、监测预警、应急保障等优势,与沿岸国家建立信息共享、联合演练、应急联动常态化机制,构建多方参与、共建共享的新型海上治理模式,以务实合作取代地缘对抗。

其二,完善综合航运体系,增强航道安全韧性。针对主干航道压力集中、风险叠加的短板,海南做强国际中转、物流补给、船舶运维等功能,可以打造南海至印度洋区域中转枢纽,丰富航运通道选择,从而提升区域产业链供应链抗风险能力,筑牢贸易畅通的安全防线。


其三,深化蓝色经济合作,夯实长治久安根基。依托海洋产业优势,与南亚、东南亚各国在生态保护、绿色渔业、海洋科研、跨境贸易、蓝色金融等领域深化合作,加深利益交融与人文交流,做到以发展促安全、以安全保发展。


四、治理思考与多边合作


结合长期研究,我认为当前印太海洋治理的核心瓶颈,不在于技术能力短板,而在于治理理念偏差、合作机制割裂、地缘干扰加剧。维护航道安全与区域繁荣,必须回归海洋公共属性、各国共同利益与多边务实合作。


第一,坚守国际法准则,尊重各国主权权益。各国国情与海洋诉求各不相同,区域治理不应由少数国家主导,更不能以强权凌驾国际规则。尊重各国自主选择、互不干涉海洋事务,是区域秩序稳定的根本。

第二,恪守航道公共属性,保障通道开放畅通。印太航道是惠及全球的公共通道,绝不能沦为地缘博弈工具。将航道安全政治化、阵营化,人为设置航行壁垒,最终会损害所有国家利益,违背区域长远发展大势。


第三,坚持共商共建共享,走自主共治之路。印太海域是沿岸各国命运与共的家园,海洋治理的话语权、受益权理应归属地区国家。排他性合作框架无法适配区域复杂格局,唯有各国平等协商、协同发力,才能形成长效治理效能。


第四,秉持开放包容理念,依托平台化解分歧。地缘矛盾的根源在于互信不足、利益融合不够。海南自贸港作为中立、务实、非排他的合作平台,可为各国对接市场、布局海洋产业创造机遇,助力区域实现互利共赢。


第五,坚持对话协商优先,妥善化解分歧。海域利益与理念差异客观存在,摒弃零和思维,搭建常态化沟通机制,以交流增互信、以合作解矛盾,方能实现海域长治久安。


为此,印太沿岸各国应凝聚共识、携手同行,以非传统安全合作作为突破口,以航运互联互通为纽带,以蓝色经济合作为支撑,依托海南自贸港平台,持续开展智库交流、学术研讨与海上务实合作,逐步构建包容普惠、可持续的印太海上治理新体系,共同打造和平稳定、繁荣有序的海洋新格局。


各位同仁,海洋稳定源于合作,航道安全依靠共治。海南自贸港致力于搭建合作桥梁、共享发展机遇。期待海内外各界深化交流、落地合作,共同应对海上风险、挖掘蓝色经济潜力,守护好印太这片蓝色家园,携手开创区域长治久安、共同发展的美好未来!


我的发言完毕,谢谢大家!



英文原文如下:


Two-way Empowerment between Indo-Pacific Waterway Security Governance and Hainan Free Trade Port: Exploring a New Path for Multilateral Cooperation Linking the Two Oceans


Cheng Xizhong

Senior Research Fellow, Charhar Institute

27 June 2026


Respected leaders, distinguished experts, scholars and colleagues from home and abroad,


Good morning, everyone! 


It is my great honor to address this international academic symposium hosted by the Hainan Institute of Public Diplomacy. We have gathered here in Haikou alongside specialists and scholars from Indo-Pacific littoral nations, including China, India, Sri Lanka, the Maldives and Bangladesh, to deliberate on security governance across Indo-Pacific waterways and map out plans for multilateral maritime cooperation and regional development.


Stretching across the Pacific and Indian Oceans, Indo-Pacific waters form a critical artery for global trade, energy transit, and industrial and supply chains, handling more than half of the world’s maritime cargo volume. The safety and stability of these waterways are closely linked to the strategic interests, economic development and people’s well-being of all littoral states. Amid profound shifts unfolding in the global geopolitical landscape, traditional power rivalries intersect with a wide array of non-traditional security risks, rendering maritime governance ever more complex and uncertain. Security of the Indo-Pacific waterways represents a common interest shared by all regional countries, not an exclusive privilege reserved for any single state. Faced with diverse and interrelated maritime risks, no country can address these challenges single-handedly. Only through collective participation and collaborative governance among regional states can we safeguard enduring maritime security.


China has consistently pursued an independent foreign policy of peace, practiced the global governance vision of extensive consultation, joint contribution and shared benefits, and unswervingly followed the path of peaceful development. China strictly adheres to the purposes and principles of the UN Charter as well as the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). It respects every nation’s sovereignty and lawful maritime rights and interests, upholds freedom of navigation and overflight as well as unimpeded maritime lanes, firmly opposes maritime hegemonism, bloc confrontation and zero-sum mentalities, and commits itself to building a new regional maritime order featuring openness, inclusiveness, fairness, justice and win-win results.


Against the backdrop of shifting regional geopolitics and drawing on the practical development experience of the Hainan Free Trade Port (Hainan FTP), I would like to share my insights from five perspectives: changes to the regional geopolitical landscape, core security challenges facing the region, the Hainan FTP’s role as a pivotal hub, feasible avenues for maritime cooperation, and thoughts on ocean governance.


Part One

Security Landscape of Indo-Pacific Waterways and Core Governance Challenges


The maritime geopolitical landscape across the Indo-Pacific is experiencing profound reshaping, marked by three major structural predicaments: intensifying geopolitical rivalry, diversified security threats, and fragmented governance frameworks.


First, geopolitical rivalry is spilling over into maritime spheres, with vital shipping routes willfully weaponized. Certain extra-regional powers repeatedly meddle in regional maritime affairs, fan bloc polarization and stokerifts among regional states. They weaponize maritime transit and ocean governance as leverage in geopolitical games, distort established international navigation norms, weaken regional countries’ ability to govern maritime affairs independently, and jeopardize regional stability and common development for all.


Second, non-traditional security risks have become normalized and transboundary in nature. Relative to traditional military standoffs, persistent threats including pirate raids, maritime smuggling, illegal fishing, marine pollution from vessels, navigation accidents, and inadequate maritime rescue response transcend national borders, spread rapidly and generate powerful spillover impacts. Such perils pose severe threats to maritime shipping, fishing industries, marine ecosystems and cross-border trade, rendering multilateral cooperative ocean governance an imperative.


Third, fragmented regional cooperation frameworks result in inefficient overall governance. While numerous bilateral cooperative frameworks operate across the Indo-Pacific, comprehensive multilateral institutions that cover both oceans, balance security and development agendas, and incorporate all coastal nations remain absent. Weak interoperability across national maritime law enforcement systems, risk early warning platforms, information-sharing protocols and emergency response frameworks hinders coordinated governance initiatives. Consequently, regional stakeholders lack the capacity to effectively address complex layered maritime security threats.


Part Two

The Hub Value of Hainan Free Trade Port: 

Connecting Two Oceans and Sharing Developmental Dividends


At this pivotal juncture of transformation within the Indo-Pacific geopolitical order, the strategic hub function of the Hainan FTP has grown increasingly prominent. As a core platform through which China advances high-standard institutional opening-up, it also serves as an inclusive cross-ocean hub linking the Pacific and Indian Oceans to serve all littoral Indo-Pacific states. The advancement of the FTP is not an opportunity reserved solely for China; instead, it delivers a landmark chance for all regional nations to deepen economic and trade linkages, develop blue economies, stabilize shipping corridors, and optimize industrial and supply chain layouts.


Geographically, Hainan rests at the core node of the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road. Supported by China’s vast domestic consumer market and radiating ASEAN, South Asia and the Indian Ocean rim, it forms a natural maritime interchange bridging the two oceans. Leveraging its geographic advantages, Hainan can interconnect shipping routes spanning the South China Sea, Bay of Bengal and Indian Ocean coasts, relieve transit pressure on major trunk waterways, build a multi-route, highly resilient maritime shipping network, and comprehensively upgrade regional capacity to secure waterway safety.


In institutional terms, as a free trade port with Chinese characteristics, Hainan capitalizes on flagship policy strengths including island-wide customs closure, zero-tariff arrangements, streamlined customs clearance procedures, and liberalized investment and trade rules. It will further upgrade core port infrastructure including Haikou Port and Yangpu Port, refine a full range of maritime services covering international shipping, ship repair, offshore supplies and maritime administration, and expedite the development of a regional hub integrating shipping logistics, marine provisioning and maritime emergency response. By delivering efficient, economical and professional shipping services, it will bolster maritime cooperation across all Indo-Pacific economies.


From a strategic perspective, the Hainan Free Trade Port upholds an open, inclusive, non-exclusive and non-confrontational approach to cooperation, distinguishing itself from insular, divisive exclusive blocs. It offsets industrial chain vulnerabilities via institutional opening-up, resolves divergences and builds consensus through a stable, open cooperation platform, enabling its evolution from a mere geographic junction into an integrated strategic hub for trade, security and comprehensive cross-ocean connectivity.


Part Three

Two-Way Empowerment: Advancing Collaborative Security Governance and Shared Prosperity via the FTP Platform


Security constitutes the prerequisite for development, while development underpins security. Waterway safety and regional prosperity reinforce one another. Leveraging the Hainan Free Trade Port as a platform, we can fully align our agendas with the development priorities of all partner countries, thereby achieving mutually reinforcing progress that integrates maritime security governance and regional economic prosperity.


First, build a multilateral security cooperation platform to address fragmented governance. Focused on common cross-border challenges including piracy, maritime salvage, marine disaster prevention, pollution mitigation and transnational maritime crimes, we can harness Hainan’s comparative strengths in marine scientific research, real-time monitoring, risk early warning and emergency support systems to set up standing frameworks for information exchange, joint exercises and cross-border emergency coordination with all coastal states. This will forge an innovative multi-stakeholder maritime governance model featuring joint participation and shared benefits, shifting away from geopolitical rivalry toward result-oriented practical cooperation.


Second, upgrade integrated port and shipping infrastructure to bolster the security resilience of maritime routes. To ease heavy transit congestion and compoundrisks along key international shipping arteries, Hainan will expand its capacity for international transshipment, logistical provisioning and vessel repair, building a regional transshipment hub linking the South China Sea and the Indian Ocean. Diversified shipping routing options will enhance the risk resilience of regional industrial and supply chains, erecting a solid safeguard for unobstructed cross-border trade.


Third, deepen blue economy cooperation to consolidate the underpinningof long-term regional stability. Drawing on its robust marine industrial advantages, Hainan will advance joint cooperation initiatives with South and Southeast Asian nations covering marine ecological conservation, sustainable green fisheries, marine scientific research, cross-border maritime trade and blue finance. Such collaborative endeavors will expand converging interests and strengthen people-to-people ties, achieving security advancement driven by development and sustaining sound development underpinned by solid security guarantees.


Part Four 

Reflections on Governance and Multilateral  Cooperation


Drawing on years of continuous in-depth research, I argue that the core bottleneck holding back current Indo-Pacific maritime governance stems not from insufficient technical capabilities, but from biased governance paradigms, fragmented cooperative frameworks, and mounting geopolitical meddling. To preserve maritime route security and regional prosperity, policy efforts ought to recenter around the public-good attribute of global oceans, the common interests of all littoral states, and results-oriented multilateral coordination.


First, uphold established international legal norms and respect the sovereignty and lawful maritime entitlements of all states. Nations vary vastly in national circumstances and maritime development aspirations. Regional maritime governance must neither be monopolized by a handful of countries nor allow power politics to supersede well-established international rules. Respect for every country’s independent policy decision and adherence to the principle of non-interference in maritime affairs constitute the bedrock of a stable regional maritime order.


Second, uphold the public-good nature of shipping lanes and safeguard open, unimpeded maritime passageways. Indo-Pacific maritime routes constitute global public thoroughfares that benefit all humankind and must never be weaponized for geopolitical rivalry. Politicizing maritime security along shipping routes, creating bloc divides, and erecting artificial navigational barriers will ultimately undermine the interests of all nations and run counter to the long-term developmental trajectoryof the region.


Third, uphold extensive consultation, joint contribution and shared benefits to pursue autonomous collaborative governance. Indo-Pacific waters represent a shared homeland where all littoral countries share a common future; regional nations ought to hold primary discourse and benefit rights over ocean governance. Exclusive cooperative frameworks cannot accommodate the region’s complex geopolitical landscape.Only equal consultation and coordinated joint efforts across all states can generate sustainable, effective governance outcomes.


Fourth, uphold openness and inclusiveness, and utilize specialized cooperation platforms to bridge differences. Geopolitical frictions are fundamentally rooted in inadequate mutual trust and insufficient integration of converging economic interests. As a neutral, pragmatic and inclusive cooperation mechanism free of exclusivity, the Hainan Free Trade Port opens up access to regional markets and marine industrial development for all countries, fostering win-win progress throughout the region.


Fifth, prioritize dialogue and consultation to reach proper settlements of maritime disputes. Divergences arising from competing maritime interests and differing governance paradigms are inevitable among regional parties. All sides must discard zero-sum mentalities, set up regular intergovernmental communication mechanisms, deepen mutual trust through continuous exchanges, and resolve disputes through tangible collaborative initiatives so as to secure enduring maritime stability.


Accordingly, all littoral states across the Indo-Pacific should forge consensus and press ahead in solidarity. Taking non-traditional security cooperation as a breakthrough starting point, maritime connectivity as a unifying bond, and blue economy collaboration as a core pillar, we will leverage the Hainan Free Trade Port platform to steadily deepen think-tank dialogues, academic research and cross-border maritime cooperation. Through gradual, incremental progress, we can construct an inclusive, equitable and sustainable new framework for Indo-Pacific maritime governance, and jointly shape a new maritime order featuring peace, stability, prosperity and sound governance.


Dear colleagues, Maritime stability grows out of collaboration, and secure sea lanes rest upon collective governance. The Hainan Free Trade Port stands ready to serve as a bridge for cross-regional collaboration and a channel for shared development opportunities. I anticipate more in-depth exchanges and substantial deliverables from all domestic and international stakeholders. Together, we will mitigate maritime risks, fully tap into the potential of blue economies, protect our shared marine homeland across the Indo-Pacific, and strive hand in hand toward a bright future of enduring regional stability and common prosperity.


That concludes my speech. Thank you!


0
成锡忠在海南公共外交研究中心学术研讨会上的发言—印太航道安全治理与海南自贸港双向赋能:探索两洋联通的多边合作新路径
长按图片保存/分享

Copyright© 2019  All Rights Reserved 察哈尔学会

添加微信好友,详细了解产品
使用企业微信
“扫一扫”加入群聊
复制成功!
添加微信好友,详细了解产品
我知道了